Baby Boom: A Look at Population Control and Family Planning in West Africa, Egypt, and India (Grade: 100%)

           As suggested by historical data, family size is usually limited to views of living comfortably in a stable environment (Abernethy, 1994). The idea by some that the West will provide assistance in cases of excess population has caused a shift in ideas about fertility and family planning (Abernethy, 1994). I will be looking at three cultures: women, both Hindu and Muslim, in India, women in Egypt, and two rural tribes in West Africa and their ideas about fertility and family planning.

            India had a relatively stable population growth from the 5^th century B.C. until the 17^th century A.D. However, with the end of the Mogul invasions and trade routes to Europe opening, coupled with their eventual colonial status, led to a population boom that continued, thanks to assistance from various organizations, until the 1980s (Abernethy, 1994). A unique situation arises in India since Hindus are told by the state and religious leaders to limit their families to two or three children while Muslims in India are encouraged to take multiple wives and practice no family planning (Basu, 1997). This has led to civil unrest among Hindus towards Muslims. Many Hindus see Muslims and their unrestrained fertility as being the main contributor to the population problem. This is despite the fact that Muslim fertility rates are declining at the same rate as Hindus and that women in polygamous unions actually produce fewer children than those in monogamous marriages (Basu, 1997). It becomes a case of the Hindus becoming “us” and the Muslims becoming “them”, with fertility used to legitimize fears against another religious group.

            During recent decades, Africa has received more foreign aid per capita than any other continent (Abernethy, 1994). This has caused a population boom as access to health-care rose and infant mortality rates declined. Recently in Egypt, heath care campaigns have advocated a replacement fertility ideal which would limit families to two children (El-Zeini, 2008). The biggest barrier to this being achieved is a preference by Egyptian families for at least one son and one daughter. This causes many women, who agree with the two child ideal, to seek more children in order to obtain it. For instance, if a woman has two daughters, she will continue to try to have a son. If she has two sons, she will try for a daughter. Thus increasing the family size beyond the two child ideal. This idea of sex preference is so important that it is preferred over the implications on economic stability. Families would rather obtain at least one son and one daughter at the expense of living comfortably. Also, the two child ideal has only come about in the last decade and until then, a three child household was seen as the most ideal and acceptable “small family” (El-Zeini, 2008).

            It is clear though that the financial aid that Africa has seen has not affected the fertility ideas of the more rural areas. The Kel Tamasheq and the Bambara, two tribes in rural Mali, both see large families and high fertility as positive aspects (Randall, 1996). The Kel Tamasheq are a nomadic tribe while the Bambara are a sedentary agricultural tribe.  The Bambara promote polygamy and are not permitted to divorce to maximize fertility. The Kel Tamasheq, on the other hand, practice monogamy, have large age differences between spouses, and allow divorce which leaves many fertile women unmarried and not exposed to childbearing (Randall, 1996). Rather than looking to these to explain the low rates of fertility, Kel Tamasheq women instead have several incorrect misconceptions ranging from the belief of high rates of miscarriage, that their men are sterile, and that long birth intervals affect their ability to conceive. There is no concept of too many children among the Kel Tamasheq and the Bambara women. If anything, most women felt they did not have enough children and were experiencing a sub-fertility. The idea of contraception is unheard of and abstinence is only practiced in order to ensure child well-being. Women who are breastfeeding usually avoid having sex so they will not conceive and have to wean a child too soon. While Kel Tamasheq women perceived themselves as being below a desired level of fertility, they are reluctant to engage in polygamy, which has helped to raise fertility rates in the Bambara tribe. It is religiously sanctioned and available to them and yet they do not engage in it.

            Ideas about family planning and fertility are as old as mankind itself. I have looked at three specific regions, Hindus and Muslims in India, Egyptians, and two tribes in rural West Africa. While these three examples barely scratch the surface of population control ideas throughout the world, it is a first step to understanding the politicization of fertility in countries with seeming overpopulation problems.

Resources

Abernehty, V. (1994, December). Optimism and overpopulation. The Atlantic Monthly, 274 (6), 84-91.

Basu, A. M. (1997). The ‘politicization of fertility to archive non-demographic objectives. Population Studies, 51, 5-18.

El-Zeini, L. O. (2008). The path to replacement fertility in Egypt: Acceptance, preference, and achievement. Studies in Family Planning, 39 (3), 161-176.

Randall, S. (1996). Whose reality? Local perceptions of fertility versus demographic analysis. Population Studies, 50, 221-234.